Early
Achaemenid Infantry
The
classification of the infantry of the Achaemenid Empire up to and including their
failed invasion of Greece (480-479bc) has always been a bit of a puzzle.
Partly, as always for ancient armies, it is due to lack of information. This
style of fighting declined after these wars, no doubt because it was proven to
be inferior to the Greek hoplite style, and Greeks became much sought after as
mercenaries by the Persians. The closest ancient source we have for the battles
of the time is Herodotus; however he wrote his Histories 50 years after the
battle of Plataea (479bc) so at best he would have spoken to old soldiers who
had been at the battle. There are other ancient authors who cover the Persian
army of the period, but they are by definition secondary sources, as they were
all born after this style of fighting had disappeared. While the literary
sources are limited, there are good sources in the ceramics of the time and
archeological work.
Sources
I’ve based
this study on three modern works on the subject:
Shadows in
the Desert, Ancient Persia at War by Dr Kaveh Farrokh (Osprey, 2007).
In the Name
of the Shah, Achaemenid Persia at War, David Marlowe (2018)
The Armies
and Enemies of Ancient Persia (English translation) Dr Marek Wozniak (Winged
Hussar, 2019)
Farrokh’s
work is a good general history from the origins of the Persian people through
to the Sassanian (and post Sassanian) period. Of necessity it has to be brief
on each period. Marlowe and Wosniak are more detailed, and refer back to the
main ancient and modern authors on this army.
Organisation
Little
solid is known about the infantry at the start of the Persian empire. Xenophon
covers this in his Cyropadeia but is writing centuries after the event. He
talks of archers and slingers forming the centre of the army together with
infantry armed with short sword and spears. It’s unclear to be honest whether he
is just making it up based on the troops of his day or not.
As in so
many armies, the Persian army was rooted in what preceded them. The Scythian
tribes of the steppes mingled with Assyrian traditions and produced first the Mede
army and then the closely related Persian military. In the Early Achaemenid infantry
there are echoes of Assyrian siege reliefs and Scythian grave goods.
The Persian
army of this period was organized on a decimal basis. The smallest element was
ten men, one of whom would be an officer. Ten of these formed a unit of 100,
and ten of those a unit of 1,000. The unit of 1,000 – Hazarabam – seems the
smallest tactical unit mentioned in ancient sources. These were brought
together into units of 10,000 – the Baivarabam – which seems to have been the
main building block of the army. Each unit (which I’ll call a corps from now
on) of 10,000 would usually consist of a single nationality. Even closely
related peoples like the Persian and Medes would not be mixed but would have
their own units.
Fighting
Style.
The Persian
empire was a sprawling one with each satrapy having a degree of autonomy. Many
satrapies had their own fighting style. However there was for several satrapies
a common way of fighting, which Herodotus called “in the Persian style” and
wargamers have come to call “sparabara”. This style was used (amongst others)
by the Persian, Mede, Kassite, Hyrcanians and Immortals. It may have been used
in most of the 30 odd army corps as Herodotus gives a brief description of them
only and focusses on their differences to add colour to his narrative.
So what is
the Persian style? The most noticeable feature for the wargamer is the big willow
spara rectangular shield at the front of the formation There are lots of
artistic depictions of this from Greek art. There’s also quite similar shields shown
at the front of infantry formations in Assyrian reliefs and a similar shied has
been found in a Scythian grave barrow. These were about 1.4-1.5m (4.5 to 5
feet) high and about 60cm wide (2 feet). They were set at a slight angle and
braced by a supporting strut. It’s unclear whether the shields were placed
individually or were tied together in some way. Herodotus mentioned that the
Persians “formed them into a barricade” so some sort of tying together was
likely. The shields were clearly meant as a barrier, certainly to missiles and
from Herodotus’ description they helped when enemy closed to contact. Since
such shields could only offer proper protection if side by side, their
dimensions also give us the width of each file – 60cm (2 feet). This is a very
dense formation – these were close formation heavy foot. The spara was carried
into battle most likely by the officer of a file of ten men, and he was the
sparabara (literally “shield bearer”).
It’s
tempting to assume that the formation was ten ranks deep, given the decimal
organization. The reality is we don’t really know. Herodotus tells us that at
Plataea the Persians facing the Spartans were drawn up in greater depth than
usual (so perhaps 20 deep to maximise the arrow storm).
What of the
troops standing behind the sparabara? They were generally armed with both short
spear and bow. The ones at the front would presumably be the best archers as
they could see to aim and the rear ranks couldn’t. In the defeat at Plataea
Herodotus says the Persians were deficient in armour, training and skill. The
first is clearly true; they had no greaves and no helmets. The latter two
presumably means skill and training in hand to hand combat compared to the
Spartans. Herodotus says they had light wicker shields. Other than the spara,
there are several types of shield depicted in art. The Persepolis reliefs show
the violin shaped diplyon shields. They may have had the round or crescent
shaped taka shield (though most depictions of this are slightly later). Some
art shows, rather than a shield, a cloth wound round the left arm.
The Greek
wars were the beginning of the end of the sparabara system. It may still have
been in use at Cunaxa in 401bc but the Persians preferred to hire Greek
mercenary hoplites, or Persian kardaka hoplites I those were not available.
The
Immortals and other Guard units.
The
Immortals were the senior corps of the Persian army; kept up to 10,000 strength
by promotions from other units of the Persian army. They seem to have used the
same sparabara system as the rest of the Persian contingents. They stood out by
using spears with silver pomegranates on the butt end (gold for the officers). There
was also a unit of 1,000 infantry with apples on the butt end of the spear, who
seem to have been nobles as the personal guard of the king of kings. They may
or may not have used the sparabara formation.
Numbers
While ancient
sources seem to routinely ascribe varied but usually vast numbers to the
Persian host (Herodotus has 1.7m men in the army that invaded Greece), they are
reasonably aligned on the native Persian component of the army. The native
Persian troops were known as Kardaka – most likely for Old Persian “Kara” –
“army” and “war” ( and Strabo gives Carda as ‘the manly and warlike spirit). Xenophon
in his Cyropaedia says “there are about 120,000 Persians” – perhaps total
native army strength, and possibly including Medes as well as Persians. Quintus
Curtius Rufus has the Persian army at 100,000 (of which 30,000 cavalry) before
Issus. Arrian Gives Persian troops at Issus as 30,000 right wing cavalry,
60,000 Kardaka armed as hoplites and 20,000 light armed in a screen for a total
of 110,000. Cornelius Nepos mentions a force of 20,000 cavalry and 100,00
infantry in 367bc. Since the sources are in good agreement, it seems the
Persian contingent of the army would be somewhere between 100,000 and 120,000,
with 30,000 of those being cavalry.
Herodotus
gives us a good review of the army of Xerxes invading Greece. There were 30
corps of infantry. One of these was the Immortals but the core of the army
seems to have been the sparabara units “fighting in the Persian style”. There
is some suggestion in the sources (based I think on records in the Egyptian
satrapy?) that while the theory was that the corps were 10,000 strong, this
only really applied for the heart of the army, and that some of the more
provincial satrapies supplied less. In the invasion of Greece period, there’s also
an issue that, while the King of Kings seemed to want to have representation
from all parts of the empire, the practicalities of supply were such that the
most effective troops were prioritized, along with Medizing Greeks. Hence the ‘also
ran’ nations would probably been in much smaller numbers than the main “Persian
style” troops.
Implications
for Rules
The
Sparabara system provided a solid block of close order archers with a frontal
spara defence. It should be good against incoming shooting, and the protection
of the spara might mean that the Persians are able to shoot better for lack of incoming
missiles. They should be depicted as bow and light spear and light shield.
The normal
depth for the formation is probably 10 deep, though it could be 20 if needed.
The volume of arrows put out should slow down Greek hoplites but Spartans and
Athenians if deep enough were able to get through with some difficulty. Though
note the thin Athenian centre at Marathon was broken by it. That sounds to me
to be effective shooting with bases two deep, but perhaps if four deep the
shooting could be a tad better.
In close
combat the spara wall clearly gave some benefit to the Persian defenders. We only
have evidence of its effect against infantry, but the volume of arrows plus the
physical barrier sounds like a problem for enemy cavalry as well.
It is clear
that once the spara wall was down, the Persians were much more vulnerable.
Ideally there would be a system that once the Persians suffer a bad combat
result the spara wall is destroyed and the Persians are then on worse factors. Or
have it that the Persians do well at the first shock of combat, but lose the
benefit in future rounds.
In terms of
movement, once the spara wall was up there doesn’t seem to have been any. It
becomes a stationary shooting platform. I imaging if the enemy retreated it
would be possible to disassemble the wall and move forward. This strikes me as
similar to the stakes at Agincourt or troops laying caltrops, so perhaps
similar rules for them could be used. On the other hand, it would pass the
initiative to the enemy in game terms. So perhaps a way to handle it is they
can either not move, or move straight forward at half speed if the want to
shoot and claim the benefit of the spara wall.
I really
can’t see this formation being able to move backwards at all. Once the wall is up, shoot your arrows then
pick up your spear and shield seems to be the thing.
The density
of the formation is a tricky issue. It’s clear from the width of the spara that
these are just as close formation as any combat heavy infantry (Pikes,
hoplites, Romans). I would imagine that the reason for this is it allowed
concentration of arrows. So they are close order foot. However, lots of rules
over the past fifty years have treated archers as “loose formation” and as a
concept that is baked fairly deeply into some rule systems. So we could just
turn a blind eye and treat them as loose formation.
An
alternative would be to treat them as close formation foot or (in systems like
MeG flexible foot). Most systems count short spear only at impact, so they’d be
good then, but weak against better armoured/weaponed troops in an ongoing
melee. However, I can’t really see the spara wall being as effective in bad
going. So perhaps they should get no benefit from the spara in rough or difficult
going.
Implications
for army lists
1. For minor conflicts within a single
satrapy, it’s likely that just the locally available troops would be used.
However, it is unlikely that these conflicts would be of the scale represented
by most wargames rules.
2. For major conflicts the “Persian style”
corps would be the heart of the army. So, compulsory troops in any EAP list
should be the sparabara formations “fighting in the Persian style”, but not the
Immortals or guard units. At least a third of the troops present should be of
this nature, I’d suggest enough compulsories so that players have to take at
least three units
3. How to depict the Sparabara
formation? I would say fairly large units (the corps tended to be 10,000 – in theory
– all deployed together). So, say, 6-8 bases in MeG. Personally I would have
them as formed close order foot but if that’s too much of a departure ‘flexible’
in MeG perhaps. They should have bow and light spear and the spara as a sort of
pavise or minor wall.
4. Immortals. If it’s an army on
campaign with the king of Kings, they’d have the full 10,000 Immortals there.
But in the context of the Persian army, while it’s good, it’s still just one
corps out of thirty. So I would allow only one unit of 6-8. I would suggest allowing
the Immortals to substitute for one of the “Persian style” units. i.e. if you
had, say 20 compulsort Persian Style bases, allow 6-8 to be upgraded to Immortals.
They should be better morale than the other troops though (superior) and were
probably better shots too (they were all promoted from the line units so each
new recruit into the Immortals would already be highly experienced.
5. Immortals in a non Royal army. We
know very little about these. The army left in Greece to fight Plataea was in
effect still a royal army but the KoK had gone home. It seems unlikely they’d
have all been sent so maybe 0-6?
6. Apple bearers . The apple bearers
were only a 1000 man unit, so tiny in comparison with the size of the army, and
only 10% of the number of the Immortals. Too small to depict in a list I’d say,
or perhaps they should be subsumed into the Immortals.
Graham
Briggs September 2020.
As a a non-ancients player trying to learn the period(s), this is an informative article.
ReplyDelete1000 man "regiments" if you will sounds right, as the decimal system or organisation seems to be a common thread throughout the region and well into the 19th century.
If a 1000 man unit is 10 ranks deep, then presumably it's frontage is quite narrow, in this case 120'. Assuming each rank needs 3 foot minimum to wield his bow, it's gonna be 30' or more deep.
Do we know how this compares to contemporary armies? Did they only have 4-6-8 deep units?
Another thought is, if they used spears to tie the shields together to make a barricade, presumably each file would use 3-4 of it's spears to do this, the rearer ranks passing their's forward to use as required. Afterall, they're not needing them whilst they are shooting. And if they are replacing casualties in the ranks in front of them, they'd be able to find a spear underfoot if they didn't have one to hand.
If the unit is firing, I'd guess only the first 2 ranks would get anything like aimed shots at the target. All the 8 files behind would be overhead shooting presumably trying to hit the rearer areas of approaching enemy units. Whilst not particularly accurate - a unit would have 200 aimed-ish shots and 800 random-ish area fire shots - this is still a lot of shots.
If the shield bearer is the officer at the front, presumably he's the better man, and could shout fire directions when he's not using his spear or bow. But once in close combat, could the 7 rear files carry on overhead shooting, or would they be pressing up against the front ranks to hold firm, and to fill casualty spaces?
if the officer is the front ranker, then presumably when the front rank has fallen dead and wounded, the fighting quality of the unit (as apposed to individuals) would then fall by a quotable factor in wargaming terms?
So if it is like the Phalanx system (big assumption!!) then you would also have a file closer who would be what we might call an officer or NCO. So you would lose some command and control but the loss of front rankers isn't that fatal. Also you have to assume that they'd have thought about this and the 2nd ranker can sort of take over. How well they would do this is clearly an issue. Having said all that your basic assumption is sound as the front ranks suffer casualties unit cohesion would suffer. I think FoG takes this into account nicely with the cohesion test - an element of luck (representing , say, the popular officer leading the unit being killed, the 2nd ranker not taking over effectively, a sudden downpour literally dampening the martial spirit etc etc) plus some things you can do as the commander - provide rear support, have a general nearby etc Also liked your comment re how the rear ranks shoot in practice. I have always been a fan of the "forward observer" theory. Again if a units role was shooting then hours on the parade ground (shooting range!) would be part of their regular routine including how to hit as accurately as possible with those ranks that cannot see the enemy. I am reminded of the late C19th French practice with the Chassepot rifle of rapid fire to create a "beaten zone" through which the enemy has to advance. The trick is when to start shooting and how long to keep it up (given ammo constraints). The enemy then has to pluck up courage to cross that zone.
ReplyDeleteHello, good article - I was doing similar research myself and came to similar overall conclusions, particularly around the fighting formation of the Sparabara.
ReplyDeleteIt's interesting that the Persians switched from bow and Pavise to javelin and spears with the Takabara - certainly in game terms we don't see an awful lot of difference, but they obviously thought that would be more effective against the Phalanx.
One question - do you have any idea of the size and number of provincial armies? My thinking is that the Kings army of 50-100k would go wherever needed, sometimes in smaller groups, but that each area of the empire would have a called-up army of maybe 20k troops as well, and could call on levies as needed.
I'm unsure whether the Persians were professional soldiers though - certainly some would be, the immortals. But everyone else I would have expected to be part time, returning to take in the harvest. Perhaps there was a core of cavalry as well who also were just soldiers.
Thanks for your response Stuart. On the questions you raise:
Delete- each satrapy had it's own corps of troops - in theory 10,000 men but there is some evidence that some were under strength. Depending on the level of the threat several satrapies could have combined I suppose. But there's little evidence of conflict on this scale until Alexander. In his case the Western satrapies combined. Plus there were Greek mercenaries available.
The Persians were highly likely to be a full time force. These 100,000 or so weren't farmers they had about 50 million population to do that for them.